This paper addresses the relation between negation and finite coordinate multi-verb constructions (CMVFC), such as llega y me grita ‘he goes and shouts at me’, with particular attention to the Chilean dialect. Specifically, two diachronically linked values are distinguished: interruptive (the event occurs suddenly) and mirative (the speaker expresses surprise for a state of affairs). In addition, three kinds of negation are distinguished: internal negative polarity (NIPN), as in llega y no paga ‘he goes and doesn´t pay’; external negative polarity (NEPN), as in no llego y acuso ‘I don’t go and tell on someone’, and emphatic expletive negation (NEE), as in ¡y no llega y le confiesa todo! ‘And he NEGexpl goes and confesses it everything’. From a descriptive point of view, we propose that, while interruptive CMVFC admits all of the three kinds of negation, mirative CMVFC reject NEPN and allow only NIPN and NEE. This distribution is accounted for by the configurational height (CP) at which the mirativity operator is projected, i.e. beyond the maximal scope, above IP, which corresponds to negation in Spanish and related languages. With respect to interruptive CMVFC, NEPN is analyzed as constituent negation on V1, which, instead of being viewed as an auxiliary verb taking V2 as its complement, merges as the specifier of an aspectual projection. The distribution of negation allows us to clarify, thus, the lack of formal cohesion that the members of a CMVFC exhibit, which favours the reanalysis of V1 as an invariable illocutionary marker in the CP zone, outside the strictly verbal domain.