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| DOI | 10.1177/13540661221084871 | ||||
| Año | 2022 | ||||
| Tipo | artículo de investigación |
Citas Totales
Autores Afiliación Chile
Instituciones Chile
% Participación
Internacional
Autores
Afiliación Extranjera
Instituciones
Extranjeras
Why do democracies agree with contested illiberal regimes on the creation of regional institutions for election monitoring? This article tackles this puzzle by analyzing the creation of the Union of South American Nations' (UNASUR) Electoral Council (ECU) and its electoral "accompaniment" missions. The case of the ECU is particularly relevant, since its missions allowed for the legitimization of illiberal electoral practices in a region predominantly populated by democratic states that have pursued democracy consolidation through regional cooperation. We show that the emergence of the ECU resulted from the interaction of the following conditions: Venezuela's leadership; the mobilization of the transgovernmental network of South American electoral authorities; and the interaction between different sets of state preferences regarding election observation, which reached an equilibrium around an institutional design that did not impose a diminution of sovereignty on the contracting states. The article sheds light on the genesis of sovereignty-protective institutional designs, showing how they allow for the reconciliation of non-coincident preferences even in a sensitive field like election observation. The article also contributes to the literature on international election observation by explaining why democratic states may favor the emergence of monitoring mechanisms that contribute to the erosion of democracy in a region. In so doing, the article adds to the literature on regime-boosting regionalism, illuminating the conditions under which democratic regional organizations (ROs) create institutions that can boost illiberal regimes' legitimacy. In particular, our findings show that secondary powers, like Venezuela, can strategically exploit transgovernmental networks' mobilization to pursue their domestic and geopolitical interests (including illiberal ones) within ROs.
| Ord. | Autor | Género | Institución - País |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Agostinis, Giovanni | Hombre |
Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile - Chile
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| 2 | Closa, Carlos | Hombre |
CSIC - España
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas - España |
| Fuente |
|---|
| Fondo Nacional de Desarrollo Científico y Tecnológico |
| Agencia Estatal de Investigación |
| Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigacion |
| Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo |
| Chile's Agencia Nacional de Investigacion y Desarrollo (ANID) through Fondecyt Iniciacion |
| EJIR |
| International Political Science Association in Brisbane |
| Agradecimiento |
|---|
| The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Giovanni Agostinis acknowledges the financial support of Chile's Agencia Nacional de Investigacion y Desarrollo (ANID) through Fondecyt Iniciacion: Grant #11200118. This research was funded by the Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigacion, Grant Number CSO2016-76130P Project: Diseno institucional en integracion regional comparada (Institutional design in comparative regional integration InDeCri). |
| The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Giovanni Agostinis acknowledges the financial support of Chile’s Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo (ANID) through Fondecyt Iniciación: Grant #11200118. This research was funded by the Spanish Agencia Estatal de Investigación, Grant Number CSO2016-76130P Project: Diseño institucional en integracion regional comparada (Institutional design in comparative regional integration InDeCri). |